The “Post-Oslo” phase… How do Palestinians and Jordanians confront the actual annexation of the West Bank, displacement, and the undermining of the foundations of the Palestinian Authority?

The politics and society institute held a closed discussion session via Zoom on February 25, 2026, titled “The West Bank in the Context of Structural Transformation: Security, Political Legitimacy, and the Jordanian Strategic Environment.” The session addressed the ongoing transformations in the West Bank and their regional implications, in light of the rapid political and security developments in the region. The session was part of the institute’s efforts to provide a space for in-depth dialog to assess the current landscape and anticipate potential scenarios.

A select group of experts, academics, and decision-makers from both the Jordanian and Palestinian sides participated in the session, where they discussed the political and security dimensions of the ongoing transformations, their impact on the internal Palestinian reality, as well as on Jordan and the region in general, with a focus on the available options and the challenges posed by the upcoming phase. The session was held at a critical moment for the Palestinian cause, amidst rapid legal and structural changes in the West Bank, and in a highly complex regional and international environment.

Executive Summary

• Security transformations in the West Bank: The West Bank has witnessed structural changes in the security environment, including Israel’s violation of local international laws, the expansion of settlements, and the reclassification of lands using Ottoman law and absentee property laws, paving the way for gradual annexation and greater Israeli control over Area C. Internal displacement and new demographic engineering have isolated Palestinian communities and made Israeli control realistic and sustainable.

• The crisis of Palestinian political legitimacy: The Palestinian Authority is facing an increasing weakness in its popular and institutional legitimacy, due to the separation of the executive level from the political, the diminishing ability to manage crises, the ongoing restrictions on economic and social movement, continuous arrests, and Israeli control over most areas of the West Bank, which reduces its effectiveness as an independent political framework.

• Israeli policies and settlement expansion: There is an Israeli consensus on enhancing settlement and imposing political and legal control over Palestinian territories, with pressures on Palestinians to sell their lands or displace them, and the continued control over about 60% of Area C. This reality reinforces the separation between the Palestinian government and the political level, and reduces the chances of any popular resistance or effective political movement.

• Demographic and economic threats: The policies of the occupation and actions on the ground lead to the voluntary displacement of Palestinians, the isolation of their communities, and the disruption of local economic activity, exacerbating feelings of frustration and migration, and placing the Palestinian community before significant challenges in maintaining its existence and the continuity of its basic services.

• The Jordanian strategic environment and regional role: Jordan is considered the natural destination for any potential mass displacement, making its role sensitive in stabilizing the Palestinian internal front, supporting the Palestinian Authority, and protecting internal stability, with the necessity of building effective Arab and international alliances, and enhancing joint coordination with the Palestinian leadership to confront Israeli pressures.

• Strategic Recommendations:  The discussion focused on the necessity of developing joint Jordanian-Palestinian strategies, which include: reforming the Palestinian Authority, enhancing internal unity, supporting the Palestinian community, engaging in diplomatic and political actions at the international level, building a joint research network to assess risks and formulate practical plans, and increasing the cost of Israeli actions on the ground thru political and diplomatic pressures.

We proceed to an in-depth analysis of the security and political situation in the West Bank under three headings:

First, the structural transformation in the security environment of the West Bank

What the West Bank is witnessing today represents one of the most critical phases in decades, both in terms of the nature of Israeli actions and their political and legal repercussions. The recent Israeli decisions, particularly those related to changing the legal framework governing the occupied territories, constitute a clear violation of international law principles that obligate the occupying power to maintain the existing laws in the occupied territory. However, what is actually happening is a gradual displacement of previous laws, including the cancelation or suspension of some provisions of Jordanian law related to the prohibition of selling land to foreigners, alongside the expanded use of interpretations of Ottoman law concerning absentee property and state land, allowing for the reclassification of large areas in preparation for their confiscation or transfer to settlement entities.

Speakers pointed out that the Israeli approach to “Area C,” according to the division resulting from the Oslo Accords, is no longer a temporary security arrangement, but has taken a direction that solidifies the concept of “state land” in preparation for actual or legal annexation. He confirmed that what was previously proposed as a political possibility—such as displacement—has begun to transform into a tangible reality in several hotspots, whether in the northern or southern West Bank, with the increasing talk about re-engineering property, expanding settlements, and redefining the Palestinian presence within isolated enclaves.

Participants also pointed to recent movements in the city of Nablus, including the introduction of Torah scrolls to the site of Joseph’s Tomb and attempts to declare the area military, as indicators of a shift in the Israeli army’s approach, from managing an occupation to imposing gradual political and legal annexation.

Secondly: The crisis of Palestinian political legitimacy and the limits of institutional action

The current Palestinian situation under continuous displacement and Israeli policies on the ground, with a focus on the effects of this on the Palestinian Authority and potential Palestinian unity, shows that the displacement that has occurred so far has not been directed toward Jordan but has been internal, with potential models of displacement abroad. This reflects a situation that is pushing Palestinians out of their lands due to increasing economic and security pressures. Clear Israeli strategies have emerged aimed at drying up Palestinian economic resources and eliminating the hope of establishing an independent Palestinian state, thru specific policies that include land control and isolating Palestinian communities and the gradual implementation of settlement and annexation projects, while keeping the Palestinian Authority at a limited level of daily civil services and security coordination, without any actual ability to manage its affairs freely.

On the ground, the Palestinian reality has turned into a network of isolated enclaves, with strict movement restrictions within villages and cities, and the spread of gates and checkpoints that prevent any effective economic activity. This has led to the failure of the local market to provide job opportunities, especially for graduates, alongside the intensification of intimidation and arrests practiced by the occupation authorities and settlers in coordination with the army, targeting the lands surrounding Palestinian villages. This situation generates a sense of apathy and frustration, and encourages Palestinians to emigrate, especially toward Europe from northern West Bank, which increases internal displacement and weakens the community’s ability to resist or organize.

For the Palestinian Authority, there is a clear separation between the executive level, which continues with reform programs and international partnerships, and the political level, which faces external and internal pressures that limit its ability to act. This executive and political division has weakened the ability to manage the crisis, with continued Israeli attacks on any independent or dissenting Palestinian voice, including within the Fatah movement itself, exacerbating the loss of hope among Palestinians and making any discussion about an uprising or traditional resistance impossible under current circumstances.

• Then the discussion moved to the recent actions on Palestinian land, where the U.S. stance on American settlers in the West Bank was mentioned, a stance that reflects the ongoing handling of settlements on the ground, despite their previous illegitimacy. Legislative attempts in the Israeli Knesset to control religious sites, including the Buraq Wall, were also addressed, reflecting practical measures on the ground, while Palestinian and Arab reactions often remain limited to statements and speeches without any tangible action

Some speakers explained that Israeli actions, including the repeated arrests of individuals affiliated with Hamas who seek to run in local elections, exacerbate the legitimacy crisis, as citizens feel there is no real democratic movement.

Some speakers explained that Israeli actions, including the repeated arrests of individuals affiliated with Hamas who seek to run in local elections, exacerbate the legitimacy crisis, as citizens feel there is no real democratic movement.

Additionally, the authority adopts a policy of resigning to the existing reality, considering that the situation in the Gaza Strip, which has been beyond its control for 17 years, is something that can be lived with, and that any short-term changes will not affect the situation. This line of thinking, according to the intervention, deepens the loss of the authority’s popular legitimacy, especially with the continuation of its policies, such as stopping the salaries of martyrs, prisoners, and the wounded, as well as financial policies and educational curricula, without receiving any compensation or support from the American or Israeli side, which the speaker describes as catastrophic policies that lead to a halt in any progress.

In the same context, reference was made to the recent Israeli political coalition and the transfer of the civil administration and settlement portfolio to a minister responsible for settlement, emphasizing that the extreme right-wing and religious currents are practically seeking to transfer the settlement experience from the 1948 areas to the 1967 areas, which means expanding the Israeli settlement and expansion project. This reflects the ongoing risks on Palestinian land and the continuous threat to the legitimate and sovereign capacity of the Palestinian Authority.

It has been confirmed that the Israeli religious right today constitutes a large part of the Likud party, and considers that the current time presents an excellent opportunity to resolve the issue of occupation in the West Bank and Jerusalem practically, by imposing a new reality on the ground without an official announcement to avoid any international pressure or sanctions. These measures include the expansion of settlements, transferring settlement powers to the civil authority, and lifting the secrecy on lands, which allows pressure on Palestinians to sell the remaining parts of their lands, with full Israeli control over approximately 60% of Area C in the West Bank, while the tasks of the Palestinian Authority are limited to daily civil aspects such as health, waste, and sewage, in addition to security coordination only.

One of the participants pointed out that the project of controlling the West Bank and annexing it to Israel enjoys internal Israeli consensus, as there is no longer any real opposition to the current government’s policies in the West Bank, whether from opposition parties or traditional political currents, as shown by opinion polls before the recent elections. This consensus reflects a rejection of the establishment of a Palestinian state, the dismantling of settlements, and the right of return, while maintaining a unified Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.

Moreover, it has been emphasized that the Palestinian leadership must be present and active on the ground thru its official institutions, without resorting to military responses, but rather by taking clear political and legal measures, such as declaring that Palestine is under occupation, which obliges the occupation to bear its legal responsibilities. It was also pointed out that Palestinian unity is no longer a priority in the current reality, and that major issues like Gaza have taken on an American character, while the West Bank remains under Israeli control, with the absence of any role for factionalism.

The weakness of the Arab and Palestinian movements was also addressed due to the severe repression and fear in the West Bank, with the presence of metallic gates, barriers, and intimidating arrests, which makes any resistance or pressure on Israeli policies more difficult. Under these circumstances, it seems that Israel is seeking to displace as many Palestinians as possible, leaving behind the fewest if complete displacement is not feasible, in order to establish a state of Israel from the river to the sea. Accordingly, this has direct implications for the Palestinian issue and regional stability, especially for Jordan and neighboring countries, in the absence of any real obstacles to implementing this project on the ground. This will require at least a Palestinian citizen project and Arab national security among neighboring countries.

In this context, some believe that the success of the experiment in Gaza, despite the likelihood of its failure according to realistic data, may later be generalized to the West Bank, with the continued systematic separation between the government and the political level and the Palestinian organization. The Palestinian political institutions bear significant responsibility for this situation, whether it is factional or institutional.

Given these circumstances, the analysis confirms that any current Palestinian uprising is completely unlikely, due to disappointment from past experiences, the failure of political formations to manage and organize any movement, in addition to the Israeli political, security, and economic engineering that has turned the West Bank into a system of enclaves preventing any effective popular activity, which reinforces apathy and frustration on the ground.

Third: The Jordanian strategic environment in light of regional transformations

The issue of displacement was also addressed from a practical perspective, along with the associated scenarios, in addition to discussing the sovereign measures that the Jordanian state can take, whether at the political or legal level, including what has recently been raised in some media outlets or by certain political elites regarding the issue of closing the borders.

Other opinions emphasized that the current Israeli actions cannot be separated from the political climate in the United States of America, especially in light of the statements made by President Trump during his electoral campaign, whether regarding Jerusalem or the geographical perceptions of Israel. These current Israeli policies were linked to what was outlined in the “Deal of the Century” plan, which included proposals to annex large areas of “C” zones while keeping Palestinian communities within interconnected cantons connected by bridges and tunnels.

The statements made by Donald Trump during his election campaign regarding the “space of Israel” reflect a supportive stance toward the idea of expansion, at the expense of Arabs in general and Palestinians in particular. And in the United States, there is a politically influential current that adopts this vision, which was also evident in some statements by the American ambassador in the occupied territories regarding what is called Israel’s “biblical right.”

It was also noted that the expansionist discourse is not limited to figures described as extremists, but extends to the central political stream in Israel, including the Likud Party, which has historically maintained slogans related to Israel “from the river to the sea.” This has been reflected in the literature and speeches of its leaders, including Benjamin Netanyahu. Based on that, what is happening today in the West Bank is considered an acceleration of imposing field realities that serve this trend, while different forms of pressure may be proposed in Gaza in the future, including forms of indirect displacement, within a broader vision of reshaping Palestinian geography and demography.

Additionally, when looking at the Israeli discourse, it cannot be confined to figures like Smotrich or Ben Gvir and considered marginal; rather, these ideas extend to the central stream, including the Likud Party, which has historically not abandoned slogans related to “Israel from the river to the sea.” Even Benjamin Netanyahu, despite his different style, has not retreated from the intellectual essence associated with this vision, which he has expressed in his previous writings.

Based on that, what we are witnessing today in the West Bank represents an attempt to accelerate the imposition of facts on the ground in line with the Israeli project to establish a state from the river to the sea. As for the Gaza Strip, it may have a different role or function in the upcoming period, given the difficulty of directly displacing Palestinian citizens, however, it is likely that Israel will seek to impose pressures or alternative displacement policies, which may include semi-voluntary or short-term forms similar to what has been done in the West Bank.

Israel’s objectives from these measures revolve around minimizing the number of Palestinians, including their displacement or reducing their presence in the West Bank over the coming years, as indicated by the statements of former Regional Cooperation Minister Smotrich, who confirmed that the next government in Israel might move toward implementing such policies.

At the same time, former Prime Minister Yair Lapid’s statements did not deny Israel’s long-term colonial ambitions, including control over areas extending from the Euphrates River to the Nile River, affirming that Israeli policies aim to achieve Israeli national security while maintaining its long-term strategic interests.

In the interventions, the repeated Israeli statements about rejecting direct annexation were mentioned, with an emphasis that Netanyahu would not be allowed a formal annexation process. Nevertheless, the interventions linked these statements to the practical reality on the ground, pointing to previous U.S. administration actions, such as recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and moving the embassy there, and opening embassy offices in the West Bank and settlements to facilitate transactions for American Palestinian citizens and settlers, reflecting the treatment of the West Bank as part of Israel.

Moreover, although the current U.S. administration has provided some “reassurances” to Arab countries about not expanding colonialism, the risks remain due to the harmony between Israeli policies and the U.S. administration in implementing this vision on the ground, making it more of a reality than just political statements.

On the Field level, participants from the West Bank presented a detailed picture of a reality heading toward forced reconfiguration, based not only on Israeli security visions but also on religious ideology. Those who govern Israel believe that this land is the land of Judea and Samaria granted to them by God, making any discussion about the legitimacy of these territories impossible. They explained that the current discussion pertains to the prevailing political current in Israel and the far-right, where religion is employed in the context of expanding settlements and accelerating the conflict, in addition to the near-complete erosion of the Palestinian Authority’s ability to perform any sovereign or security function.

A concrete example was presented from Nablus, where Israeli officers appear in the old city and interact directly with the residents, indicating that the Palestinian authority is unable to protect the residents or intervene, which brings to mind the situation before the First Intifada. Attention was also drawn to recent decisions, such as lifting the secrecy on land ownership in the West Bank and allowing Israeli actions under the pretext of preserving Jewish heritage, emphasizing that this practically amounts to the end of the Oslo Accords.

One of the speakers pointed out that the new demographic reality, with around a million Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, makes the two-state solution unfeasible, and that the West Bank is practically turning into separate cantons under permanent Israeli control, with a near-permanent Israeli presence in areas like Jenin and Tulkarm, and the initiation of procedures that could eliminate Palestinian crossings at the borders, making the Palestinian citizen directly dependent on Israeli crossings to reach Jordan.

The discussion emphasized the importance of Palestinian action on the international level, thru activating Palestinian embassies and engaging with communities and political forces, ensuring Palestine’s presence at the decision-making table and not just theoretical discussions or inaction. It was pointed out that the ongoing Israeli projects in the West Bank, including linking most administrations to the Israeli civil government, constitute part of the actual control over the land and limit the Palestinian leadership’s ability to act.

The repercussions of the recent events after October were also addressed, which caused a political earthquake on both the Palestinian and regional levels, affecting the camps and areas of tension and resistance in the northern West Bank; Moreover, Obtaining any permits or participating in local elections has also become conditional on Israeli approval, reflecting the extent of Israeli control over various aspects of Palestinian life. It has been emphasized that the upcoming phase will be difficult for the Palestinians and the region in general, and that Palestinian leadership thinking must be out of the box to confront Israeli transformations, which aim to shift the management of the Palestinian situation to service management, moving from the stage of village associations proposed in the 1970s to city associations, and that those managing the Palestinian situation in the West Bank will only be service management.

The discussion shifted to Israeli control over Palestinian territories and the recent measures related to registering unregistered lands as state property, which aim, albeit undisclosed, to enable Israel to control most of the West Bank territories. It was emphasized that the pressures on the Palestinians could lead to voluntary displacement, and that the Palestinians and Jordanians are the most affected by these measures, as what happens in the West Bank will directly impact Jordan, whether it wants it or not.

The future of the Palestinian Authority was discussed, where there is an Israeli disagreement about keeping it weak for security and administrative purposes, versus the desire of some extremist political and religious factions to end this authority. The discussion pointed out that the collapse or loss of the Palestinian Authority could lead to a transformation of the conflict from a political struggle over statehood and self-determination to a struggle over rights, resembling the experience of South Africa during the apartheid era. It was also noted that Israel has turned the Palestinian issue into a religious one, and that Palestinians are at risk of either remaining as isolated population enclaves or emigrating, with Israel attempting to impose its regional hegemony. Jordan is considered the natural scenario for any future mass displacement. Therefore, the Jordanian position is very sensitive and requires internal and external allies to ensure the effectiveness of the political and security stance.

In this context, the importance of developing joint plans for Palestinians, Jordanians, and Arab countries interested in the Palestinian issue was emphasized to maintain the presence of the Palestinian Authority and support it as the political address, especially given the weakness of the current Palestinian factions, and to prevent forced or voluntary migration driven by the occupation thru its various policies and measures. The discussion also emphasized the necessity for Jordan to play an active role in stabilizing the internal front, not just limiting its relationship to the Palestinian Authority, but also rebuilding ties with local communities and social groups, in coordination with the Palestinian leadership.

The discussion emphasized the necessity of rehabilitating the Palestinian leadership thru genuine elections to renew the elite, which would grant it the necessary international credibility and enable it to effectively confront the Israeli project. It also emphasized that continuing to revolve in the circle of feeling historical injustice without taking practical steps will lead to the loss of Palestinian lands and possibly extend the threat to Jordan. Therefore, it is necessary to build internal and external allies to provide cover for the Palestinian-Jordanian political decision, ensuring that this decision is governed and sincere, and it represents the people, moreover the discussion emphasized that the focus should be on serious efforts to form alliances and support the Palestinian cause thru practical means, rather than just rhetoric, while ensuring the protection of Jordan and the Palestinian people from any potential future repercussions.

Then the floor was opened for discussion about the situation in the Palestinian territories, where speakers pointed out that the recent plans and decisions regarding the lands aim, albeit undisclosed, to enable Israel to control most of the West Bank territories, including the registration of unregistered lands as state property. They emphasized that Palestinians are being pressured into voluntary displacement, and that the most affected by these measures are Palestinians and Jordanians, stressing that what happens in the West Bank will inevitably reflect on Jordan, raising questions about the future.

The need to develop plans to address future scenarios was highlighted, particularly regarding the fate of the Palestinian Authority, where there is an Israeli disagreement about keeping it in a weakened state to manage the security and civil affairs of the Palestinians, while some seek to completely dismantle the Authority. The speaker explained that the collapse of the authority would lead to a state of instability at the geographical and political levels in the West Bank, and that this could lead to the imposition of a one-state reality, transforming the conflict from a political struggle over statehood and the right to self-determination into a struggle over rights, resembling the experience of South Africa during the apartheid era.

In this context, speakers emphasized the necessity of creating joint plans for Palestinians, Jordanians, and Arab countries interested in the Palestinian issue, to address the current reality and minimize losses, especially as matters are heading toward a one-state solution without an official declaration from Israel to avoid holding it accountable under international law. He emphasized the importance of preserving and supporting the Palestinian Authority as the political address, given the ineffectiveness of the current Palestinian factions, and focusing on supporting the Palestinian community in the interior to prevent forced or voluntary migration imposed by the occupation.

• Speakers also pointed out the necessity for Jordan to play an active role in strengthening the internal front, not just limiting its relationship to the Palestinian Authority, but also rebuilding ties and communications with tribal communities and social groups, in coordination with the Palestinian leadership, to ensure the effectiveness of future plans.
  
  
• It was also emphasized that the current level of coordination between Jordan and the Palestinian side is significant, but it needs more interaction to enhance Palestinian stability, stabilize the situation, and address the daily challenges Jordan faces in the West Bank, including efforts to declare forms of Palestinian unity or end the division, to confront the ongoing difficult reality.

It was also noted that Israel has ended its traditional policies of dealing with the Palestinian issue, and the issue has transformed for it into a religious matter supported by the United States, placing the Palestinians in front of two options: to remain in isolated population enclaves without political rights, or to emigrate also the explanation that Israel is seeking to expand its influence thru regional alliances, and that Jordan would be the potential destination for any future mass displacement of Palestinians.

It was also mentioned that what Israel is doing often downplays its severity, and that the lack of criticism of the previous frameworks adopted to confront Israel has led to this critical point, where the Israeli project is expanding and threatening not only Palestine but also Jordan with its ambitions in its territories, making the Jordanian position extremely sensitive and necessitating reliable allies, especially in light of the United States’ support for Israel.

It was emphasized that Jordan needs to establish genuine alliances with the Palestinians and strengthen trust between the two parties to confront the Zionist project, which has transformed from a national project into a religious one that is difficult to discuss. It was also emphasized the importance of rehabilitating the Palestinian leadership thru elections that define a new elite, capable of representing the Palestinian people before the international community with effectiveness and credibility.

Participants pointed out that the political steadfastness of the Palestinians on the ground does not mean stagnation, however, Jordan and the Palestinians can take practical steps, including a coordinated political offensive against Israel by sitting at the political table with a unified stance, which could limit Israel’s expansion capacity. The continuation of revolving around the narrative of historical injustice against the Palestinians was dismissed as unproductive, and the need to build internal allies (in Jordan and Palestine) and external allies (in the international community) to support political decisions and enable their effective implementation was highlighted. It was also emphasized that these allies must be representative and sincere, reflecting the will of the peoples, noting that the Jordanian issue is closely linked to the Palestinian issue, and that the current challenges go beyond displacement to include risks to the Jordanian political and constitutional entity.

In another intervention, it was noted that there is a clear consensus on describing the current situation in Palestine and Jordan, and that the Israeli project of annexation, displacement, and the liquidation of the Palestinian cause is no longer just an analytical or warning subject, but a tangible reality that must be dealt with on this basis. It has become clear what the Israeli program and agenda are, which places the Palestinian and Jordanian parties in a new phase that requires rethinking strategies and policies for the post-Oslo Agreement and post-Palestinian Authority as a Palestinian political framework.

The importance of understanding Israeli actions in a systematic and organized manner has been emphasized, allowing for an accurate perception of the next phase on both the Jordanian and Palestinian fronts, including various scenarios, and determining what is required from each party, whether on the Palestinian or Jordanian internal front or within the framework of regional and international alliances.

• The issue of supporting the Palestinian presence was addressed, emphasizing the need to clarify the nature of this support and how to protect it from Israeli policies that aim to transform Palestinian cities into something resembling cantons or limited local administrations, which threatens the continuity of the Palestinian national and societal identity.
  
  
• The discussion also touched on the transition from the two-state solution framework to a more realistic focus on Palestinian rights, examining its risks, benefits, and drawbacks to avoid the pitfall of rapid transitions between stages without a comprehensive plan. It was noted that there are major shifts in the balance of international and regional power, including the support of the United States for the Israeli project thru the Christian Zionist movement, which complicates the scene and makes the decision-making process more sensitive.

The demographic and political dimensions were discussed, with analyzes indicating that Palestinians have become demographically equal to Israelis, with a slight short-term advantage, which could lead to a future demographic crisis within Israel. The latter anticipates this crisis thru displacement projects and land control policies to ensure its future superiority, policies inspired by similar historical experiences such as South Africa. It has been highlighted that the Israeli project faces a threefold dilemma: maintaining the largest possible land area, preserving the identity of the Israeli state, and implementing a democratic system, such that achieving all three simultaneously is not fully possible, creating ongoing crises and leading to preemptive policies.

In this context, it was emphasized that displacement is not a new policy, but rather a predictable outcome of the accumulated Israeli policies over decades, and that the so-called peace process was part of concealing this real policy. This requires Jordanians and Palestinians to develop practical strategies and concrete plans to emerge from the deep darkness surrounding the Palestinian cause.

It has been agreed that any effective response must be collective and inclusive, encompassing all segments of the Palestinian people, and that Jordan cannot handle the situation alone. Additionally, Palestinians in the West Bank and within the territories of 1948 face severe political repression, with a significant decline in the margin for democratic expression, making coordination among the various parties an essential necessity.

The importance of joint Jordanian-Palestinian efforts was emphasized to strengthen Palestinian internal unity and enhance coordination frameworks between different factions, with a focus on the process of reforming the Palestinian Authority to enable it to regain the trust of the Palestinian public, instead of strengthening the system over the citizens. The importance of benefiting from the Jordanian experience in political and administrative reform was highlighted, along with the collective utilization of regional and international relations to support Palestinian steadfastness on the ground, while recognizing the limited influence of some regional and international actors, and relying only on parties that can actually make an impact, such as the American administration and influential Arab countries.

Conclusion

The discussion session concluded that the West Bank is undergoing a critical and complex phase of structural transformations, characterized by the increasing Israeli control over Palestinian territories, the expansion of settlements, the gradual displacement of residents, as well as the decline in the political legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority and its weakened capacity to manage internal crises. The participants highlighted that these developments do not only affect the internal Palestinian reality, but their impacts extend to include Jordan and the region more broadly, amid rapid strategic and regional transformations.

The session emphasized that addressing these challenges requires a joint Jordanian-Palestinian effort, focusing on rehabilitating the Palestinian leadership, strengthening internal unity, supporting the Palestinian community, and activating diplomatic and political movements on the international stage.

It was also emphasized the importance of developing specific practical plans to address Israeli policies, including protecting Palestinian lands, preventing forced migration, and raising the cost of Israeli actions thru integrated political and diplomatic pressures.

In light of the security, political, and regional analysis, the next phase requires focusing on implementing specific practical measures at both the Jordanian and Palestinian levels, with clear roles defined for each party, whether in enhancing resilience, confronting Israeli actions, or influencing international and regional policies to support Palestinian land. It has been emphasized that individual solutions are insufficient, and that collective cooperation among all parties is the only way to disrupt the Israeli project or limit its expansion capacity, with the necessity of raising the cost of Israeli actions on the ground thru political and diplomatic pressures.

In conclusion, the session emphasized that the upcoming phase requires the Palestinian and Jordanian leadership to work with a practical and strategic spirit, moving beyond theoretical speeches, to ensure the protection of Palestinian rights, regional stability, and to strengthen the positions of both parties in effectively and sustainably facing Israeli and regional pressures.