For the first time since September 11, 2001, we see the manifestations of a military presence in Washington, DC (since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center Towers in New York and the Pentagon in Washington by civilian aircraft).
The storming of the Congress was more than just a demonstration that got out of control, as reports indicate the intentions of some of the participants to stop the institutional process of transferring power to a minimum, while the demands of a few in the crowd on the filming screens for the execution of officials in Congress, including the Vice President, who refused to object to the process Approval of the results of Biden’s victory in its last stages in the US Congress on the sixth of this month).
Will Trump be a strange passing presidency in the history of American politics, or will his presidency constitute a deeply rooted political condition? Will he be able to direct this support within an institutional ideological framework within the Republican Party? What is important is not whether he will be able to run in 2024 as much as he is able to mobilize the support and funding of the societal and popular component that rejects the foundations of traditional American political action, deepening in Republican political circles and producing a far-right leadership within the party, and the consequences for the party and American democracy.
Many Republican politicians owe him or need his constituencies in their constituencies (nearly two-thirds of Republican representatives refused to approve Biden’s electoral votes in the House session on January 6), which will have an impact on the policies of Congress and its members in the future. It is difficult to predict the ability of Trump, after leaving the White House, to overcome the damage inflicted on him as a result of the storming politically and morally of Congress by his supporters and the widespread boycott of traditional and electronic media institutions, companies, banks, and even his partners from continuing to work, organizing his supporters, mobilizing funding and withstanding in the face of upcoming lawsuits.
Today we are facing what could develop into a violent and disruptive American movement, regardless of its ideological goals and moral perspective, as it could constitute a state of a dangerous societal clash. We witnessed the extent of societal anger in the street through the “Black Lives Matter” movement, which poured out its widespread popular anger on institutions, in addition to the anti-fascist, anti-capitalist Antifa movement and the extreme right. On the other hand (although the approach is not equal or similar between the two sides), the various right-wing groups that stormed the Congress represent a state of anger completely opposite.
The political base that found official representation at the highest level in Trump’s tweets (88 million followers of his account on Twitter before it was closed) and his policies, can find in the lose of its president and its conviction of the theft of Trump’s votes by the other party a factor that unites it as an effective electoral political force in the face of the Republican body politic and traditional democratic and liberal forces (allied with the minority movement demanding equal opportunity and treatment). It may also result in extreme right-wing forces that practice political violence within American society and outside the norm, with the proliferation of weapons, training, and organizations that claim for themselves only patriotism and loyalty to the “real” American values in their view.
Important social changes in the composition of the American electoral body during the next decade will have an impact on American foreign policy, which may be as important as developments in the global and regional arenas of contact, whether through open policies, constructive active role, or closed policies, and an interest-based role in a game in which there is no winner that could have deepened In the second administration of President Trump.